De Valois does not indeed deny that the Roman Church and others, at least the more notable, had their own calendars and their own registers, in which were inscribed the contained names of their own martyrs and holy bishops, but by no means martyrologies, which, he says, were not proper to a single place, but common to the whole Church, inasmuch as they contained generally the martyrs and confessors of the whole world. Certainly, if we settle the controversy from the definition adduced, De Valois seems likely to lose the suit. For St. Gregory makes mention not of some calendar, in which were contained the names only of the martyrs who suffered at Rome, but of a codex in which were collected the names of almost all the martyrs with their passions distinguished for each single day.
And that it may be shown that the discussion is about martyrs who suffered everywhere throughout the earth, he adds: In the same volume … the name, the place, and the day of the passion are set down. Whence it comes about that many, from various lands and provinces, through the single days … are known to have been crowned with martyrdom. Here we have judged it worth the labour to disclose what we think about De Valois's opinion, lest anyone perhaps should believe that a certain note which favours De Valois, subjoined to the aforesaid letter from Goussainville, had been adopted by us. For far be it that all the things which the learned man observed on the Gregorian letters should be approved by us. 8. Certainly in this place he injects a suspicion about the interpolation of the hand-written codices, even the Vatican ones, which it is our duty to wash away. For he says:
That at Rome there were then no or few deeds of the martyrs, no narrations concerning the passions of the martyrs—that indeed is marvellous, and awkward for the new authors who everywhere thrust forward the Vatican codices. But, in the first place, St. Gregory by no means says that the codex which Eulogius had asked to be communicated to him did not exist in the archive of the Roman Church, but only that it was not found; whence he adds: Seeking, indeed, we have not found, but still, not finding, we seek; and if it can be found, we will transmit it. Secondly, even if the deeds of all the martyrs, which … had been collected in the times of Constantine by Eusebius of Caesarea, had then obtained no place in the Roman archives and libraries, it is rashly concluded from this that there were then at Rome
there were no or few deeds of the martyrs, no narrations concerning the passions of the martyrs. Gregory perhaps admits that in his time the Roman libraries lacked collectanea in which all or most of the acts of the martyrs might be found, as though reduced into one corpus; but they were nonetheless enriched with individual acts of the martyrs, especially of those crowned with martyrdom in Italy, and above all at Rome. I say nothing of the ancient codices pertaining to matters other than the histories of the martyrs, of which there could be a very great supply at Rome: for about these the holy Doctor is silent.
Thirdly, what prevents that even after the death of the most holy Pontiff many codices were brought to Rome from elsewhere, which now we should not be ashamed to praise, even if they were not older than Gregory? For with what veneration are membranes of more than eleven hundred years worthy? Now let us recall our step to the sequence of the Gregorian history. 9. St. Gregory intimates that war broke out this year in Italy, while he laments the evils which he was compelled to endure from the swords of the barbarians (Book VIII, letter 2). That they made a descent into Sardinia is gathered from a letter written in the following indiction (Book IX, letters 1 and following). For this reason perhaps St.
Gregory willed that not even a cleric should be excused from the vigils and watches necessary for the guarding of the cities: and by the same law the monks were bound (Book IX, letter 73). No less does the holy man grieve over the perversity and iniquity of judges and magistrates than over the ferocity of the enemies. For amid arms, with the laws silent, they thought that all things were permitted to them. Gennadius, patrician of Africa, had for many years harassed Paul, a bishop in Numidia. And when he had appealed to the apostolic see, the prelate, assailed by various calumnies, had been prevented from coming to Rome by the patrician, in whose hands lay the supreme authority in the administration of this province (Book VI, letter 63).
The pope consented that the bishop should proceed to the imperial court and bring his complaints to the emperor (Book VII, letter 2). At length Paul was ordered to return to Numidia, that he might be judged by the bishops of this province; and Gregory, recognizing his innocence, commended his cause to the bishops Adeodatus, who then held the primacy, Maurentius, and above all Columbus (Book VIII, letters 12 and 13); for he knew this last to be most devoted to the Church founded by blessed Peter, and most tenacious of the right. Nonetheless he takes care to fortify him still against the solicitations and pressures of the magnates, by which his virtue could have been undermined: Let no consideration, he says, suspend you from the zeal of equity, no power of persons.
But leaning upon the Lord's precepts, despise all things that are adverse to rectitude. Stand constantly in defending the parts of justice. Do not refuse to bear hatreds for the truth's sake, if there be any: that you may find so much the greater fruit of reward at the coming of our Redeemer, the more, not neglecting His commands, you shall have spent yourself in favour of justice and in defence of it. 10. Besides the common solicitude which the supreme pontiff had to bear concerning the whole Church, he was held bound to provide for the African Church with singular zeal and care, because it drew its origin from the Roman, as St. Gregory teaches, writing to Dominicus, bishop of Carthage.
Knowing whence the ordination of priests took its beginning in the African regions, you act praiseworthily in that, by loving the Apostolic See, you return with a prudent remembrance to the origin of your office (Book VIII, Letter 33). Hence he shows that the bishops of both Churches are bound to the fostering of mutual charity; and on this occasion he breaks forth into praises of charity, in these plainly golden words: Great, beloved brother, is the power of charity, which by the bond of its sincerity binds hearts together in a mutual and reciprocal affection, and does not permit them to be loosed from the framework of grace; it joins the sundered, guards the united, and by love makes those known to one another who were unknown.
Whoever therefore fixes his mind upon this hinge, no assault of any adversity tears him away from the dwelling of the heavenly fatherland: for wherever he turns himself, he does not step beyond the threshold of the commandments (Ibid.). Thus that most wise master of Christian piety scattered through all his letters choice sentences concerning charity, concerning contempt of the world, concerning the patient bearing of adversities, concerning the study of the sacred writings, and concerning the other virtues pertaining to the heavenly life; and he took care to season whatever he wrote, as it were, with this salt. That most holy Pontiff strove above all, by word and example, to turn bishops and others devoted to the sacred ministries away from base gain and avarice.
Hence he took it ill that Donus, bishop of Messina, had accepted so great a price for a burial that the heirs of the man who had purchased the right of sepulture seemed reduced to want. He therefore persuades the bishop to restore what he had received, especially since it was proved by the testimony of Palumbus, bishop of Cosenza, to belong to another's right (Book VIII, Letter 3). And although he does not forbid the taking of anything for a burial, and admits that it was done by ancient custom, yet he says that in his own Church it had been forbidden by himself, and that he would give his assent to no one that places for burying a body might be obtained for a price. We, he says, who are called bishops, what ought we to make our concern in the burying of the bodies of the faithful?
Afterwards, writing to Januarius, he only allowed that for the lights whatever each one wished to offer might be accepted. But that anything be asked or exacted, he says, we altogether forbid; which is exceedingly irreligious, lest either the Church perhaps be called venal—which God forbid—or you seem to rejoice over human deaths, if from their corpses you seek to gain profit in any way whatsoever (Book IX, Letter 3). 12. Leo, bishop of Catania, was reported to divide the fourth part of the ecclesiastical revenues among his clergy not in full, but with some diminution, which was a mark of covetousness. Hence the complaints of the acolytes and others of the clergy reached the pope.
Of the three other portions of the Church's goods, one fell to the bishop and his household, on account of hospitality and the receiving of guests; another to the poor; and the last was reserved for the repairing of churches (Book VIII, Letter 7). And in order that every occasion of complaints and calumnies against the bishop might be removed, that most wise and most just judge decreed as follows: We will that whatever shall perhaps have accrued to your Church from revenue or from any other title, you ought thence to set apart a fourth portion without any diminution, and that you divide it, according to the fear of God, among the priests, deacons, and clergy, as shall seem good to you, with discretion:
in such wise indeed that, according as the merit of each one's labour shall require, you should have free licence to bestow, according to what you shall foresee; so that both those who deserve it may feel themselves consoled even by this temporal advantage, and others, with the Lord's help, may strive to advance by imitation of them toward better things (Book IX, Letter 64). 13.
He who, moved by the just complaints of the clergy of Catania, delivered this sentence against their bishop, shortly afterward also repressed the pride and empty vainglory of those same men, on account of their usurpation of the campagi—which is a kind of footwear used by prelates when they solemnly celebrate Mass. Although the use of these had once been granted by the Roman pontiffs to the deacons of the Church of Messina alone in all Sicily, the deacons of Catania had nevertheless presumed to walk about shod with campagi. Detesting this rash presumption, the pope wrote to John of Syracuse to inquire into the matter, and to investigate whether they had presumed this of themselves or by anyone's authority; and afterward himself to decide what needed to be done.
For if, he says, we negligently allow those things which are wrongly usurped to pass by, we open the way of excess to others (Book VIII, Letter 27). 14. Just as he restrained those who acted proudly and insolently, so also he was zealous to render the due rewards of honour to those who served usefully on behalf of the Church. And this the defensores experienced in this year; for he appointed seven from their college as regionarii, on account of the strenuous labour they had bestowed in the causes of the Church and in the service of the pontiffs (Book VIII, Letter 14). Formerly the regionarii were taken only from among the deacons; afterward, by the concession of certain pontiffs, some were appointed from the school of notaries and subdeacons; at length this honour came to the defensores by the benefaction of St. Gregory. 15. And in this year especially, St.
Gregory made plain in very many letters how much monastic affairs were a care to him, yet we shall taste but a few of these. Distinguished above the rest is the privilege granted to the monastery of Saints John and Stephen, established in the city of Classe, concerning which he wrote to Marinianus, bishop of Ravenna (Book VIII, Letter 15). What was provided in this privilege for the favour of the monks is to be sought there. From Letters 31 and 34 it is clear that the monastery of Castellium, once founded by the great Cassiodorus, not only persevered at that time, but even flourished, and had obtained other monasteries united to itself.
For in the former letter Secundinus, bishop of Taormina in Sicily, is admonished not to allow a monastery of his diocese belonging to the monks of Castellium to come into the power of a layman. In another letter St. Gregory appears to rebuke John, bishop of Squillace, in whose city that monastery of Castellium was situated, because he was attempting to undermine the privileges granted to it and confirmed by long usage. From this letter it is established that the very fortress of Squillace was founded upon the soil belonging by right to the monastery, whose inhabitants were bound to pay a rent to the monks of Castellium.