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Sermons & Letters 232 part 1/3

Latin original · 38 verses · some words can be tapped for a gloss · long chapter, split into parts; this part covers 232:1–232:38 (79 verses in all)

← ch. 231ch. 233 →
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232:1
I. Absoluta jam Constantinopolitana prima synodo, in qua damnatis Eutychetis erroribus, horumque auctore sacerdotali officio et archimandrit;e præfectura privato. latæ in eum sententiæ summa in aHis atque aliis Constantinopolitanae urbis publicis locis promulgata est; ut videlicet monachis aliisque catholicis viris scripto commonitorio innotesceret, in posterum haudquaquam cum haeretico et contumaci 322 homine communicare. Quia vero de fidei causa agebatur, Flavianus, ne suis partibus deesset, nulla prorsus mora interposita, summo ponHiRci Li oni litteras dedit, simulque rerum omnium gestarum seriem ad eumdem direxit.
I. When the first Synod of Constantinople had now been concluded, in which, the errors of Eutyches being condemned and their author being deprived of his priestly office and of the prefecture of the archimandrite, the sum of the sentence passed against him was promulgated in various public places of the city of Constantinople; namely, that it might be made known to the monks and other Catholic men by a written admonition, that henceforth they should in no wise communicate with the heretical and contumacious man. But because the cause of the faith was at issue, Flavian, that he might not be wanting in his own duty, with no delay at all interposed, gave letters to the supreme Pontiff Leo, and at the same time directed to him the whole series of the things transacted.
一、當第一次君士坦丁堡會議如今已告結束——在其中歐迪奇的謬誤被定罪,其倡導者被剝奪司鐸之職與院長之職——針對他所作判決的要旨便在君士坦丁堡城的種種公共場所頒佈;即藉一份書面告誡,使眾隱修士及其他公教信徒知曉,此後絕不可與這異端而抗命之人往來。但因所涉及的乃是信仰的事,弗拉維安為不虧欠自己的本分,毫不遲延,便致函最高教宗良,同時將所辦理一切事務的全部經過呈遞予他。
232:2
Hujus rei testis fidelissimus imprimis est Liberatus diaconus, qui, recensita Eutychetis damnatione, mox subjecit: Quibus gestis jungens epistolam suam Venerabilis Fla vianus, Leoni papæ direxit, et quid in concilio gestum fuerat alleyavit fideliter. Quæ verha, tuin ejusdem Flaviani litteras Baronius percurrent, sine ulla haesitatione merito scripsit majorum morem ita faciendo Flavianum esse prosecutum. Refragatur tamen passim Quesnellus, et potissimum ad Christi annum 449, res a S. Leone Magno gestas describens, cum ait: i S. Leo nihil horuin quae Constantinopoli gere.
Of this matter the most faithful witness is, above all, the deacon Liberatus, who, having recounted the condemnation of Eutyches, soon subjoined: To these acts the venerable Flavian, joining his own letter, directed it to Pope Leo, and faithfully set forth what had been transacted in the council. Which words, and then the letters of the same Flavian, Baronius, running through them, without any hesitation rightly wrote that Flavian in so acting followed the custom of his forebears. Yet Quesnel disagrees at every turn, and especially, in describing the affairs conducted by St. Leo the Great in the year of Christ 449, when he says: St. Leo, being admonished by Flavian of none of these things which were being done at Constantinople
對此事,最忠信的見證首推執事利貝拉圖,他在敘述了歐迪奇的定罪後,隨即補充說:可敬的弗拉維安將自己的書信附於這些議事之上,呈遞予教宗良,並忠實地陳明公會議中所辦理之事。巴洛尼在細閱這些話語以及同一位弗拉維安的書信後,毫不遲疑地正確寫道:弗拉維安如此行事乃是承襲了先人的慣例。然而奎斯內爾處處持異議,尤其在描述聖良大教宗於基督紀元四四九年所辦理的事務時,他說:聖良對於君士坦丁堡所進行的這些事,
232:3
bantur admonitus a Flaviano (acceptis videlicet ab Eutychete litteris ) ne vel innocentem condemnet, vel reum absolvat, ad Theodosium Flavianumque scribit. > Quare autem Flavianus ad Leonem non scripserit, ait:. Haud difficile est dictu, seu Eutychen statutum judicio crederet, seu actam causam secundum canonem Ecclesiae in concilio, condemnatumque legitime monachum suae paroeciae, non alias audiendum. Baronius credit litteras Flaviani aut interceptas, aut retardatas ab Eutychete. Sed tum ni hil omnino scriptum a Flaviano constat ex ipsa Flaviani epistola, cujus initium est: Pictate, CIC.
(having, namely, received letters from Eutyches), that he should neither condemn the innocent nor absolve the guilty, wrote to Theodosius and Flavian. But why Flavian did not write to Leo, he says: It is not difficult to state, whether he believed that Eutyches was fixed by the judgment, or that the cause had been conducted according to the canon of the Church in the council, and that a monk of his own parish, being lawfully condemned, was not to be heard elsewhere. Baronius believes that the letters of Flavian were either intercepted or delayed by Eutyches. But that nothing at all was then written by Flavian is established from Flavian's own letter, whose beginning is: 'Pietate,' etc.
(即已收到歐迪奇的來信)竟一無所聞而未受弗拉維安告知,因此他致函特敖多西與弗拉維安,囑其既不可定無辜者之罪,也不可赦有罪者。至於弗拉維安為何未致函良,他說:這不難解釋,或是他認為歐迪奇已因判決而定案,或是認為此案已在公會議中按教會教規辦理,且其本堂的一名隱修士既已合法定罪,便不當在他處再受聽審。巴洛尼認為弗拉維安的書信不是被歐迪奇攔截,就是被拖延。但弗拉維安當時全然未曾書寫,這一點卻從弗拉維安本人的書信中得以確立,該信開頭為:「Pietate(虔敬)」等等。
232:4
Audacter nimis, et quasi ex tripode, quaestionem gravissimis involutam difficultatibus paucis et infirmis quidem conjecturis ex sua sententia solvere voluisse Quesnellum quis non videt? Profecto etiam, si sedulo duas illas solas Flaviani epistolas ad Leonem, quas et ipse Quesnellus Graece et Latine typo commisit, lustrabimus, haud facile cuinam primus debeatur locus poterimus judicare. Quinimmo in eam persuasionem descendemus, alteram primo loco in ordine esse statuendam, ut gravissimis adducti con. jecturis paulo infra declarabimus. Quis præterea Quesnello revelavit Flavianum duas dumtaxat Leoni pontifici epistolas dedisse?
Who does not see that Quesnel wished, too boldly and as if from the tripod, to solve by a few and indeed weak conjectures, according to his own opinion, a question involved in the gravest difficulties? Assuredly too, if we diligently survey those two letters of Flavian to Leo alone, which Quesnel himself committed to print in Greek and Latin, we shall not easily be able to judge to which the first place is due. Nay rather, we shall come to this persuasion, that the other is to be set in the first place in order, as, led by the gravest conjectures, we shall declare a little below. Moreover, who revealed to Quesnel that Flavian gave only two letters to Pope Leo?
誰看不出奎斯內爾竟過於大膽、彷彿從三足神壇上發言般,妄圖憑幾項且確實薄弱的臆測,按自己的己見去解決一個牽涉最嚴重疑難的問題呢?的確,倘若我們僅細察弗拉維安致良的那兩封書信——即奎斯內爾本人以希臘文與拉丁文付印的那兩封——我們也難以判斷哪一封當居首位。不僅如此,我們反而會產生這樣的信念,即應把另一封列在次序的首位,正如我們在下文將受最有力的臆測所引導而闡明的。此外,是誰向奎斯內爾揭示弗拉維安只給了教宗良兩封書信呢?
232:5
Ex Vaticanis enim codicibus nos adhuc tertiam eruimus scriptam ad eumdem Leonem occasione Eutychianæ haereseos, de qua dno clerici ejusdem Constantinopolitanae Ecclesiæ, Gregorius videlicet et Joannes, postulabantur. Quemadmodum ergo hanc tertiam scripsit, cur quartam, quintam, sextam aliasque plures scribere non potuit, quas EutycheS aut intercipere, aut retardare poterat, quemadmodum Baronius rationabiliter suspicatur? Alias autem et alias epistolas Flavianum ad S. pontificem scribere oportuisse, mihi et omnibus cordatis viris persuasum esse debet, potissimum quia damnata haeresis in dies recrudescebat, et quia nova synodus, agente Dioscoro, et Eutychetis lac.
For from the Vatican codices we have thus far unearthed a third, written to the same Leo on the occasion of the Eutychian heresy, concerning which two clerics of the same Church of Constantinople, namely Gregory and John, were being demanded. As therefore he wrote this third one, why could he not write a fourth, a fifth, a sixth, and many others, which Eutyches could either intercept or delay, as Baronius reasonably suspects? But that Flavian ought to have written other and yet other letters to the holy Pontiff must be persuasive to me and to all judicious men, especially because the condemned heresy was growing worse day by day, and because a new synod, at the instigation of Dioscorus and by the
因為我們從梵蒂岡諸抄本中,迄今發掘出第三封信,是因歐迪奇異端之緣故而寫給同一位良的,其中所求索的乃是同一君士坦丁堡教會的兩名神職人員,即額我略與若望。既然他寫了這第三封,那麼他為何不能寫第四封、第五封、第六封以及其他更多封信,而這些信件是歐迪奇能夠攔截或拖延的,正如巴洛尼合理推測的呢?而弗拉維安理當一封又一封地致函於神聖教宗,這一點對我以及一切明智之士而言應屬確信無疑,尤其因為那受定罪的異端日益猖獗,又因為一場新的會議,經由狄約斯科祿的策動,以及歐迪奇的煽惑,
232:6
tione, cum magna veritatis et fidei jactura fieri postulabatur, quam minime necessariuin esse Fla. vianus ipse etiam ex duubus illius litteris quae hactenus lucem aspexerunt sincere fassus est, cum sola pontificia anctoritate tum hæresis quæ surrexit, tum turbae quae propter eam factæ sunt facillime destruentur. Dicat, amabo, Quesnellus, putatne Flavianum plane obmutuisse, nec Leoni alias dedisse litteras, cum ipsi innotuit imperatorem, agente eunucho Chrysaphio, et Dioscoro, jam synodum po. stulare, ut quae jam Constantinop oli contra exortam haeresim definita fuerant abolerent?
instigation of Eutyches, was being demanded to be held with great loss of truth and faith—which Flavian himself sincerely confessed to be by no means necessary, even from those two of his letters which have hitherto seen the light, since by the pontifical authority alone both the heresy which had arisen and the disturbances which were caused on its account would most easily be destroyed. Let Quesnel say, I pray, does he think that Flavian was utterly struck dumb, and gave no other letters to Leo, when it became known to him that the emperor, at the instigation of the eunuch Chrysaphius and of Dioscorus, was now demanding a synod, in order to abolish the things which had already been defined at Constantinople against the risen heresy?
正被要求召開,且將帶來真理與信仰的重大損失——弗拉維安本人甚至從其迄今已見天日的那兩封書信中也誠實承認,此舉絕無必要,因為僅憑教宗的權威,那所興起的異端以及因其所引發的紛擾,便能極輕易地被摧毀。請奎斯內爾說說看,難道他認為弗拉維安竟完全緘默,未曾給良其他書信嗎?——當弗拉維安已得知皇帝經由宦官克里薩菲與狄約斯科祿的策動,如今正要求召開一場會議,以廢除君士坦丁堡已針對這興起之異端所界定的一切之時?
232:7
Figmentum esso probant epistolae ille Flaviani in causa duorum illurum Constantinopolitanorum clericorum, ut superius nos jam indicavimus, quas, Deo Domino opitulante, publici juris faciemus. 2. At quidquid sit de aliis Flaviani epistolis, quno ant temporum injuria interciderunt, aut nunc adhuc obsoletae in secretioribus bibliothecarum 323 aut archiviorum scriniis custodiuntur, de quibus nec minimam fecit Quesnellus mentionem in elench) quem conscripsit, ea ductus persnasinie, quod duas illas tantum vulgatas epistolas Flavianus Leoni dedisset; igitur haudquaquam dubitandum est quad ipse, absoluta jam illa Constantinopolitana synod.., et Euiychete damnata, ad R. P.
That it is a fiction, those letters of Flavian in the cause of those two clerics of Constantinople prove, as we have already indicated above, which, with the Lord God helping, we shall make public. 2. But whatever be the case concerning the other letters of Flavian, which either perished through the injury of the times, or are even now kept obscure in the more hidden cabinets of libraries or archives, of which Quesnel made not even the least mention in the list which he compiled—led by this persuasion, that Flavian had given only those two published letters to Leo—it is therefore by no means to be doubted that he, that Synod of Constantinople being now concluded and Eutyches condemned, wrote to the Roman Pontiff,
這乃是杜撰之說,弗拉維安為那兩名君士坦丁堡神職人員一案所寫的那些書信足以證明,正如我們在上文已指出的,這些信件我們將在主天主的助佑下予以公開。二、但無論弗拉維安其他書信的情況如何——這些信件或因時代的摧殘而佚失,或至今仍晦暗地保存於圖書館或檔案館較隱密的櫃匣中,而奎斯內爾在他所編的目錄中對此連最起碼的提及都沒有,只因他抱持這樣的信念:弗拉維安只給了良那兩封已刊行的書信——因此絕不容置疑的是:他在那君士坦丁堡會議如今已告結束、歐迪奇已被定罪之後,致函於羅馬教宗,
232:8
non scripserit, seriem omnium gestorum mittendo; propterea non labare Baronii conjecturam, qua affirmat ejusmodi epUtolas Eutychetis studio aut interceptas, aut retardatas fuisse. Huic sane conjecturæ et Quesnellus ipse subscribere debuisset, si ad Leonis litteras harumjue temporariam notam attendisset. Quod in præsens nos facere non prætermittimus, ut plenius Quesnelli argumenta evertamus. EI quidem primam Leonis epistolam ad episcopum Flavianum scriptam offendimus kal. Martii, Asterioet Protogene consulatum agentibus, quod incidit in annum 449. Ilanc enim ex urbe Roma Constantinopolim comitem Pansophium detulisse, Flavianus ad Leonem rescribens indicavit.
sending the series of all that had been transacted; and therefore that Baronius's conjecture does not falter, by which he affirms that letters of this kind were either intercepted or delayed by the effort of Eutyches. To this conjecture indeed Quesnel himself ought to have subscribed, if he had attended to Leo's letters and to their chronological note. This we do not neglect to do at present, that we may more fully overthrow Quesnel's arguments. For we find the first letter of Leo written to bishop Flavian on the Kalends of March, Asterius and Protogenes holding the consulate, which falls in the year 449. That Count Pansophius carried this letter from the city of Rome to Constantinople, Flavian indicated in writing back to Leo.
呈遞了所辦理一切事務的經過;因此巴洛尼的推測並不動搖,他藉此斷言此類書信不是被歐迪奇費心攔截,就是被拖延。對這一推測,其實奎斯內爾本人理應同意,倘若他曾留意良的書信及其年代標記的話。這事我們如今不憚於去做,好使我們更充分地推翻奎斯內爾的論據。因為我們發現良致弗拉維安主教的第一封信寫於三月一日,時值阿斯特里烏與普洛托根尼任執政官,即落在四四九年。這封信是由潘索菲烏伯爵從羅馬城帶往君士坦丁堡的,弗拉維安在回覆良的信中已加以指明。
232:9
Nullas autem epistolas Flavianum Leoni dedisse antequam a comite Pansophio S. pontificis litteras acciperet, minime umquam, sequentibus adductus momentis, potero persuaderi. Etenim si primo tempus spectemus quod comes Pansophius ex Urbe discedens Constantinopolim profecturus insumere debuit; si animadvettantas pariter tum ad aliqua negotia quae vir nobilis apud imperatorem illiusque aulae ministros forte pertractanda habuerat, tum ad novum iter faciendum, ut iterum Knmam veniret, Certe trium mensium spatium vix sufficere poterat. Qnamvis navigationum cursum faciliorem tum fuisse credere debeamus, ob navigiorum copiam e Uoma Brundusium versus. et e Brundusio Constantinopolim progredientium;
But that Flavian gave no letters to Leo before he received the letters of the holy Pontiff from Count Pansophius, I can never be persuaded, being led by the following considerations. For if first we consider the time which Count Pansophius, departing from the City and about to set out for Constantinople, must have expended; if we likewise attend both to certain affairs which the noble man perhaps had to transact with the emperor and the ministers of his court, and to the making of a new journey, that he might come again to Rome—certainly the space of three months could scarcely suffice. Although we ought to believe that the course of navigations was then easier, on account of the abundance of vessels going from Rome toward Brundisium and advancing from Brundisium to Constantinople;
但弗拉維安在從潘索菲烏伯爵處收到神聖教宗的書信之前,未曾給良任何書信——這一點,我基於以下的考量所引導,永遠無法被說服相信。因為,若我們首先考量潘索菲烏伯爵離開羅馬城、將要前往君士坦丁堡所必須耗費的時間;若我們同樣顧及這位貴人也許須與皇帝及其宮廷官員辦理的某些事務,以及重新啟程好再度前來羅馬所需的時間——三個月的時間確實幾乎不足。儘管我們理當相信,當時航行的路程較為便捷,因為有大批船隻從羅馬駛往布倫迪西烏,又從布倫迪西烏前進至君士坦丁堡;
232:10
tamen difficilius etiam illud iter reddebamur in primo, id est Martio et Aprili, mense, in quibus etsi mare suapte natura tranquillum sit, ventorum vi magis atque magis agitari atque turbari solet immoderatis tempestatibus. At ulmo demus Pansophium comitem prosperum habuisse iter, nec ultra tres menses fuisse retardatum illius ad Urbem regressum, quemadmodum conjici posset ex altera S. Leonis epistola ad eumdem Flavianum scripta; quid vero? An Flavianus tamdiu ad Leonem de Kutychiana hæresi scribere distulit, quamdiu, a Leone ipso exagitatus, lilleras accepit? Id nemo sine temeritatis nola affirmabit, potissimum si ad subsequentIs S. Leonis Magni literas animadvertat. Eteniin S. Leo, epist.
nevertheless that journey was rendered still more difficult in the first, that is in the month of March and April, in which, although the sea is by its own nature tranquil, it is wont to be more and more agitated and disturbed by the force of the winds with immoderate storms. But let us at length grant that Count Pansophius had a prosperous journey, and that his return to the City was not delayed beyond three months, as might be conjectured from another letter of St. Leo written to the same Flavian; what then? Did Flavian defer to write to Leo about the Eutychian heresy so long, until, being urged on by Leo himself, he received the letters? This no one will affirm without a mark of rashness, especially if he attends to the subsequent letters of St. Leo the Great. For St. Leo, in his letter
然而那路程在起初,即三月與四月間,變得更為艱難,在這兩個月裡,海雖本性平靜,卻慣於因風力而愈加激盪紛擾,掀起無度的風暴。但讓我們姑且承認潘索菲烏伯爵旅途順利,且其返回羅馬城並未拖延超過三個月,正如或可從聖良致同一位弗拉維安的另一封信推測出來的;那又如何呢?難道弗拉維安竟拖延如此之久才就歐迪奇異端致函於良,直到他受良本人催促才收到書信嗎?無人能斷言此事而不受魯莽之譏,尤其若他留意聖良大教宗隨後的書信的話。因為聖良在其書信中,
232:11
22 kalendis Junii scripta, futetur se recepist-e Flaviani epist"las cum synodalibus gestis in Eutychetis causa. Ait scribendi occasionem arripere ex opportuno itinere quod primum honorabilis vir Undantis Constantinopolim versus aggressurus erat. Orevissimas enim tum fecit litteras. Verum (promittit) de hac re plenius per eunt qui ad nos tuæ dilectionis portavit liueras rescribimus, ut fraternitatem luam quid de tota causa constitui debeat instruamus. a. Hic cuperem ut Quesnellus et quisquam alius qui illius studiis indulgeat, animadverteret an acce-, pus a Leone Flaviani litteras cum synodalibus gesus portaverit honorabilis vir comes Pansophius, an alius? Non Pansophius quidem.
written on the twenty-second (letter), on the Kalends of June, confesses that he had received Flavian's letters with the synodal acts in the cause of Eutyches. He says that he seizes the occasion of writing from the opportune journey which the honorable man Undantis was first about to undertake toward Constantinople. For he then made very brief letters. But (he promises) about this matter we shall write back more fully through him who carried the letters of your love to us, that we may instruct your fraternity what ought to be determined about the whole cause. Here I could wish that Quesnel and anyone else who indulges in his studies would consider whether the honorable man Count Pansophius carried Flavian's letters with the synodal acts, received from Leo, or another? Not Pansophius indeed.
即第二十二封信,寫於六月一日,承認他已收到弗拉維安的書信連同歐迪奇一案的會議議事錄。他說,他趁著可敬之人溫丹提斯首先即將前往君士坦丁堡這一適宜的旅程之便而寫信。因為他當時所寫的信極為簡短。但他允諾說:關於此事,我們將藉那位把你的仁愛之信帶給我們的人,更充分地回覆你,好使我們指示你的弟兄之情,關於整個案件當如何裁定。在此,我願奎斯內爾以及任何潛心其研究之人,都能考量一下:究竟是可敬之人潘索菲烏伯爵帶來了他從良處收到的弗拉維安的書信連同會議議事錄,還是另有其人呢?的確不是潘索菲烏。
232:12
Cuin verba illa: De laic re plenius per eum qui ad nos tuæ dilectionis portavit litteras rescribimus, indicent peculiarem altquem forte Constantinopolitanæ Ecclesiæ clericum, ut tum moris erat, a Flaviano missum, qui litteras et synodalia Acta ad summum pontificem deferret. Remittere enim eum debcbaL Leo cum protixioribus litterat. Igitur quis cndet honorabilem vnum, imperialis aule comitem, 324 remittendum esse, quasi vero tabellarii munus eidem foret demandatum ? Potius ergo concludendum ost primas Flaviani epistolas cum synodalibus gesus alium latorem habuisse præter comitem Pansophium, ut evidentissime demonstrant gravissima dun momenta, qua no; statim subjicimus.
For those words: 'About this matter we shall write back more fully through him who carried the letters of your love to us,' indicate some particular cleric perhaps of the Church of Constantinople, as was then the custom, sent by Flavian, who should convey the letters and the synodal Acts to the supreme Pontiff. For Leo was to send him back with more prolix letters. Therefore, who would believe that an honorable man, a count of the imperial court, was to be sent back, as though indeed the office of a courier had been entrusted to him? Rather then it must be concluded that the first letters of Flavian with the synodal acts had another bearer besides Count Pansophius, as the two most weighty considerations most evidently demonstrate, which we at once subjoin.
因為那些話:「關於此事,我們將藉那位把你的仁愛之信帶給我們的人,更充分地回覆你」——表明或許是君士坦丁堡教會的某位特定神職人員,如當時的慣例,由弗拉維安差遣,將書信與會議議事錄呈遞予最高教宗。因為良是要派他帶著更詳盡的書信返回的。因此,誰會相信一位可敬之人、皇室宮廷的一位伯爵,竟要被遣返,彷彿真把信差的職務託付予他一般呢?那麼寧可斷言:弗拉維安連同會議議事錄的第一批書信,另有一位傳遞者,而非潘索菲烏伯爵,正如我們隨即補上的那兩項最有力的考量所極明白地證實的。
232:13
Alterum est quod, paucis elapsis diebus, prolixiores litteras daturus Flaviano, sicut in præcedenti promiserat, eas hisverbis orditur; Lectis dilectionis tuæ litteris, quas miramur fuisse tam se rus, et gestorum episcopalium ordine recensito. Cur ergo, quo sensu, quave ratione tam seras Flaviani epistolis appellasset, vel si Pansophius eas attulisset, qui vis trium mensium spatium insumpsisset eundo ex Urbe Constantinopolim, et rursus e Constantinopoli Romam revertendo? Si Pansophius has litteras cum synodalibus gestis attulisset, summa celehlate, non sero ad pontificias manus pervenissent, ut ex praecedenti temporum supputatione liquido innotescit.
The other is that, a few days having elapsed, being about to send more prolix letters to Flavian, as he had promised in the preceding, he begins them with these words: 'Having read the letters of your love, which we marvel to have been so late, and the order of the episcopal acts having been reviewed.' Why then, in what sense, for what reason would he have called Flavian's letters so late, or if Pansophius had brought them, who had expended the space of three months in going from the City to Constantinople, and again in returning from Constantinople to Rome? If Pansophius had brought these letters with the synodal acts, with the greatest speed, not late, they would have reached the pontifical hands, as clearly appears from the preceding reckoning of the times.
另一項考量是:數日過後,良正要照他在前一封信中所允諾的那樣,給弗拉維安寫更詳盡的信,他以這些話作為開頭:「讀了你仁愛之信——我們驚訝它竟來得如此之遲——並細閱了主教議事的次序之後。」那麼,良憑什麼意思、出於什麼緣故,會稱弗拉維安的書信來得如此之遲呢?倘若是耗費了三個月時間從羅馬城前往君士坦丁堡、又從君士坦丁堡返回羅馬的潘索菲烏帶來了這些信呢?倘若潘索菲烏以最快的速度帶來了這些書信連同會議議事錄,它們理當並非遲來、而是及時抵達教宗手中,正如從前面對時間的推算所清楚顯示的。
232:14
Oportet igitur inferre quempiam alium fuisse harum epistolarum laiorem, qui, vel Eutychetis artibus, vel temporum vicissitudinibus, maris'luc tempestatibus præpeditus, diu in itinere cunctatus est, quemque S. pontifex cum alia epistola, 2t videlicet, Constantinopolim ad ipsum Flavianum remisit. Addimus voces illas, tam seras, nou quamcumque cunctationem, sed longam temporis moram indicare, ob quam Leonis animus in admirationem rapiebatur, tamquam ob rem extra omnem ordinem constitutam et insuetam.
It must therefore be inferred that some other was the bearer of these letters, who, hindered either by the arts of Eutyches, or by the vicissitudes of the times, or by the storms of the sea, tarried long on the journey, and whom the holy Pontiff sent back to Constantinople to Flavian himself with another letter, namely the twenty-fourth. We add that those words, 'so late,' indicate not any delay whatsoever, but a long lapse of time, on account of which Leo's mind was carried into astonishment, as if on account of a thing constituted beyond all order and unusual.
因此必須推斷,這些書信另有一位傳遞者,此人或因歐迪奇的伎倆,或因時勢的變遷,或因海上的風暴而受阻,在途中久久滯留,神聖教宗遂連同另一封信、即第二十四封信,把他遣返君士坦丁堡的弗拉維安本人處。我們補充說:「如此之遲」那些話,並非指任何一般的遲延,而是指時間上長久的耽擱,正因如此,良的心才被引入詫異,彷彿因一件超乎一切常規且不尋常之事一般。
232:15
Ad quæ verba cum iterum et tertio sedulo animadvenerein, et ex altera parte cognovissem Constantinopolitanam illam provincialem synodum de Eutychetis damnatione labente Novembris meuse præcedentis anni ahsolutam fuisse, inlerri posse arbitratus sum Flavianum statim in subsequenti decimo mense ejusdem anni, vel saltem in. inhio Januarii anni 449 immediate subsequentis, ad Leonem cum synodalibus Actis supra Eutychianum negotium scripsisse, minime exspectatis Leonis litteris, quas per honorabilem virum comitem Pansophium se accepisse affirmat.
When I had attended diligently to these words a second and a third time, and had on the other hand learned that that provincial Synod of Constantinople concerning the condemnation of Eutyches had been concluded in the month of November of the preceding year now waning, I judged that it could be inferred that Flavian, immediately in the subsequent tenth month of the same year, or at least at the beginning of January of the immediately following year 449, wrote to Leo with the synodal Acts upon the Eutychian affair, by no means having awaited Leo's letters, which he affirms that he received through the honorable man Count Pansophius.
當我再三審慎留意這些話,並且另一方面得知那有關歐迪奇定罪的君士坦丁堡省級會議,是在如今已將盡的前一年十一月間結束的,我便判定可以推斷:弗拉維安隨即在同年接下來的第十個月,或至少在緊接的次年、即四四九年一月之初,就歐迪奇事件連同會議議事錄致函於良,而絲毫未曾等候良的書信——即他所肯定是藉可敬之人潘索菲烏伯爵收到的那些書信。
232:16
Quod si Quesnellus milii objiciat Flavianum priori il!a episiola quam in sua editione excudi curavit aperte fateri Eutychen accusatum a religiosissimo epicopo Eusebio, occurrentem ad S. conci lium propriaque voce qni ipse sentiret Patribus synodi detegentem, ut qui alienus sit a recta fide deposuimus, prout sanctitatem vestram docebunt cuncta super eo confecta Acta, quæ et misimus cum hisce nostris litteris; quasi quod voluerit indicare, non prius ad Leonem scripsisse, quam cum Acta confecta cum hisce litteris miserit; occurram statim respondendo ex reliquo illius epistola:
But if Quesnel should object to me that Flavian, in that earlier letter which he caused to be printed in his edition, openly confesses that Eutyches was accused by the most religious bishop Eusebius, coming to the holy council and by his own voice disclosing to the Fathers of the synod what he himself held, so that as one alien to the right faith 'we deposed him, as all the Acts drawn up concerning him will teach your holiness, which we have also sent with these our letters'; as though he wished to indicate that he had not written to Leo before he sent the Acts drawn up with these letters; I shall at once counter by answering from the rest of that letter:
但倘若奎斯內爾向我反駁說:弗拉維安在他於自己版本中付印的那封較早的書信裡,公開承認歐迪奇是被至虔敬的主教歐西比烏所控告,此主教前來神聖的公會議,親口向會議的眾教父揭露他自己所持的見解,以致「我們把他這與正確信仰相悖之人加以廢黜,正如一切關於他所擬就的議事錄將教導你的聖德的,這些議事錄我們也已隨這封信一併寄上」;彷彿他想藉此表明,他在寄出隨這封信所擬就的議事錄之前,並未曾致函於良;我便隨即從那封信其餘的部分作答以反駁:
232:17
contextu colligi jain pedem Flavianum cum Actis super Eutychem gestis hanc eamdem hujus epistolæ partem ad Leonem misisse, iterumque eamdem rescribere coactum, cum, auditis Leonis querimoniis, nondum et litteras et confecta Acta recepisse intellexerit. hi innuere videuLur verba illa rotunde prolata: prout sanctitatem vestram docebunt cuncta saper eo confecta Aula, quai et misimus cum hisce nostris litteris. Hic autem loqui de re jam præterito tempore exsecutioni demandata, et de tis litteris alias scriptis, teitia subsequens harum epistolarum pars, quam postremo priori addidtl et subjecit, cordatis viris videri debet.
from the context it is gathered that Flavian had already earlier sent this very same part of this letter to Leo with the Acts transacted concerning Eutyches, and was compelled to write the same again, when, having heard Leo's complaints, he understood that he had not yet received both the letters and the drawn-up Acts. This those words plainly uttered seem to intimate: 'as all the Acts drawn up concerning him will teach your holiness, which we have also sent with these our letters.' But that here he speaks of a matter already carried into execution in past time, and of these letters written at another occasion, the third subsequent part of these letters, which he last added and subjoined to the earlier, ought to seem so to judicious men.
從上下文可推知:弗拉維安其實早已把這同一封信的這同一部分連同關於歐迪奇所辦理的議事錄一併寄給了良,並且被迫再度書寫同樣的內容,因為他在聽到良的抱怨後,明白了良尚未收到那書信與所擬就的議事錄。那些明白說出的話似乎正暗示這一點:「正如一切關於他所擬就的議事錄將教導你的聖德的,這些議事錄我們也已隨這封信一併寄上。」而他在此所談論的乃是一件在過去時間裡已付諸執行之事,以及在另一場合所寫的這些書信——這一點,這些書信隨後的第三部分(即他最後所增添並附加於較早部分之後的那部分)在明智之士看來理當如此。
232:18
Si quidem narratis perturbationibus hac de causa ill Constantinopolitana Ecclesia ortis, et verbo facto, tum dc tabulis publice aL Eutychete propositis, contumeliarum videlicet et mendaciorum plenis, tum de p ecibus imperatori oblatis, arrogantia et petulan ia refertis, gradum facit ad Leonis litteras, quas recenter acceperat. Verum (ait) his iia ex consecutione peractis reddita sunt litteræ sanctitatis vestræ por comitem omni admiratione It gnum Pansophium. Dicat Quesnellus quando reddite sunt Flaviano per Pansophium Leunis litteræ? An non postea quam Flavianus Acta syno dalia cum parte præcedenti harum litterarum ad Leonem inserat, quisque nimis sero ipsum S.
For, having narrated the disturbances that had arisen on this account in the Church of Constantinople, and the deed done, then concerning the placards publicly posted by Eutyches—full, namely, of insults and lies—and then concerning the petitions offered to the emperor, filled with arrogance and petulance, he makes his advance to Leo's letters, which he had recently received. 'But (he says) these things having thus been transacted in due sequence, the letters of your holiness were delivered by the count Pansophius, worthy of all admiration.' Let Quesnel say when Leo's letters were delivered to Flavian by Pansophius. Was it not after Flavian inserted the synodal Acts with the preceding part of these letters into the letter to Leo, whom he asserts to have received too late the holy
因為,在敘述了因此事而在君士坦丁堡教會中興起的紛擾以及所行之事,接著論及歐迪奇公開張貼的告示——即那些充滿侮辱與謊言的告示——又論及向皇帝呈遞的、充斥著傲慢與蠻橫的訴狀之後,他便進而談及他新近收到的良的書信。他說:「但這些事既已如此按次序辦理,你聖德的書信便由值得一切欽敬的潘索菲烏伯爵送達。」請奎斯內爾說說看,良的書信是何時由潘索菲烏送達弗拉維安的?豈不是在弗拉維安把會議議事錄連同這封信的前一部分插入致良的信中之後嗎?——他斷言自己是過遲才收到那神聖的
232:19
pontificom accepisse asseverat? Si verba illa, spectato etiam dicendi ordinc, alium verum sensum 325 sine ulla detorsione subeant, viri ducti poteruut affirmare. At jam alterum momentum, quod ex ejusdem Leonis Operibus cruimus, nnn alium sensum subire posse indicabit. Semel et iterum sancitis pontifex duobus suis epistolis, 22 nimirum et 24, sibi redditas esse Flaviani epistolas cum synodalibus actis (sed nimis sero) ipsuin Constantinopolitanum episcopum fecit certiorem, quarum epistolarum altura kal. Junii fuit conscripta, altera vero idibus ejusdem mensis, quaudo videlicet Flaviani legatum cum pleniori instructione Constantinopolim remisit.
Pontiff? If those words, even considering the order of the discourse, can bear another true sense without any distortion, learned men will be able to affirm it. But now another consideration, which we draw from the Works of the same Leo, will indicate that they can bear no other sense. Once and again the holy Pontiff, in his two letters, namely the twenty-second and the twenty-fourth, made the Constantinopolitan bishop himself more certain that Flavian's letters with the synodal acts had been delivered to him (but too late); of which letters the one was written on the Kalends of June, but the other on the Ides of the same month, when, namely, he sent back Flavian's legate to Constantinople with fuller instruction.
教宗?倘若那些話語,即使顧及論述的次序,也能毫無曲解地承載另一種真實的含義,博學之士自能加以肯定。但如今另有一項我們從同一位良的著作中所汲取的考量,將表明它們不能承載別的含義。神聖教宗在他的兩封書信中,即第二十二封與第二十四封,一再地使君士坦丁堡主教本人更確切得知:弗拉維安的書信連同會議議事錄已送達他手中(但過遲了);這兩封信中,一封寫於六月一日,另一封則寫於同月十五日,即他將弗拉維安的使者連同更充分的指示遣返君士坦丁堡之時。
232:20
Non igitur necesse erat ut de hisce litter'is cnm synodalibus Actis acceptis amplius faceret mentionem, nisi, rcdeunte comilc Pansophio, easdem liucras cum exemplarihus Actorum iterasset. Utrumque autem iterasse Flavianum, protlit Leonis epistola trigesiina secunda, quæ data est kal. Jubi ejusdem anni. Cujus quippe epistolae initium cum istud sit: LiUeras tuæ dilectionis accepi, cam gestis quæ apud uos de fidei qutenione confecta sunt, facile in -eam veni opinionem, tum dumtaxat Leoni redditam fuisse eam epistolam cum omnibus suis partibus, et nova appendice, prout in Quesnelliana editione primum obtinet locum. Et quidem id nobis indicatum estexillius epistolæ textu.
It was therefore not necessary that he should make further mention of these letters with the synodal Acts as received, unless, upon the return of Count Pansophius, he had repeated the same letters with copies of the Acts. But that Flavian repeated both, Leo's thirty-second letter reveals, which was given on the Kalends of July of the same year. Since indeed the beginning of this letter is this: 'I have received the letters of your love, with the acts which have been drawn up among you concerning the question of the faith,' I easily came into this opinion, that then only was that letter delivered to Leo with all its parts, and with the new appendix, as it holds the first place in the Quesnellian edition. And indeed this was indicated to us from the text of that letter.
因此,除非在潘索菲烏伯爵返回之際,弗拉維安重寄了那同樣的書信連同議事錄的副本,否則良便無需再次提及這些已收到的書信連同會議議事錄。而弗拉維安重寄了這兩者,良的第三十二封信揭示了這一點,該信寫於同年七月一日。既然這封信的開頭確實是這樣:「我收到了你仁愛之信,連同你們那裡就信仰問題所擬就的議事」,我便輕易產生了這樣的看法:唯有那時,那封信才連同其一切部分以及那新的附錄一併送達良——正如它在奎斯內爾版本中所居首位那樣。而這一點,正是那封信的文本向我們所指明的。
232:21
Nam Leo pontifex, admonito p'laviano de recentioribus receptis litteris et synodalibus gestis, nullam amplius facit mentionem de Eutychete, hujus erroribus et appellatione ad apostolicam sedem, de quibus rebus in præcedentibus litteris sufficienter disseruerat; sed dumtaxat novæ illius appendici iteratae epistolae occurrit dicendo: Quamvis evidenter appareat rem de qua agitur nequaquam tynodali indi gere tractatu; tamen, frater charissime, subsecutos esae significo, quot in hac parte placuit destinare. Verba hæc referri debere ad illud quod praefatus Flavianus novissime in suae epistolne appendice scripserat ad L'onem, nemo ibit inficias. Nim cum Flavianus dixerit se R. P.
For Pope Leo, having admonished Flavian concerning the more recent letters and synodal acts received, makes no further mention of Eutyches, of his errors and of his appeal to the Apostolic See, concerning which matters he had sufficiently discoursed in the preceding letters; but only meets that new appendix of the repeated letter, saying: 'Although it evidently appears that the matter of which we treat by no means requires a synodal treatment; nevertheless, dearest brother, I signify that those things have followed which it pleased me to appoint in this part.' That these words ought to be referred to that which the aforesaid Flavian had most recently written to Leo in the appendix of his letter, no one will go so far as to deny. For when Flavian said that he had received the Roman Pontiff's
因為教宗良在告知弗拉維安有關新近收到的書信與會議議事錄之後,便不再提及歐迪奇、其謬誤以及其向宗座的上訴,因為關於這些事,他在前面的書信中已充分論述過;而只是回應那重寄之信的新附錄,說:「雖然顯然可見,我們所論之事絕不需要會議的審理;然而,至親愛的弟兄,我告知你:我在這方面所樂意指定的那些事已隨之進行。」這些話理當指弗拉維安上述最新在其信的附錄中致良所寫的內容,無人會極力否認這一點。因為當弗拉維安說他已收到羅馬教宗的
232:22
epistolas accepisse, postquam damnationis Eutychianæ synodalia gesta cum suis epistolis direxerat, atque rebus ita gestis et expeditis sibi dari affirmat sanctiiatis suae litteras per comitem Pansophium, quibus cdocebatur Eutycheten libellus omni fallacia et calliditate plenos scripsisse, dicendo judicii tempore appellasse vestram sanctitatem, atque idcirco rumorem perferre ca de causa generalem habendam synodum. Nihil tamen in præsentiarum de hac Eutychiana appellatione duximus disserendum, de illa enim suo loco agemus. 4.
letters, after he had directed the synodal acts of the Eutychian condemnation with his own letters, and matters having been thus transacted and dispatched, he affirms that the letters of his holiness were given to him by Count Pansophius, by which he was informed that Eutyches had written documents full of all deceit and cunning, saying that at the time of judgment he had appealed to your holiness, and therefore he was spreading a rumor that on that account a general synod was to be held. Yet at present we have judged that nothing is to be discussed concerning this Eutychian appeal, for we shall treat of it in its own place. 4.
書信,是在他把歐迪奇定罪的會議議事錄連同自己的書信一併送出、且事情已如此辦理並發送出去之後——他肯定說,教宗聖德的書信是由潘索菲烏伯爵交予他的,藉此他得知歐迪奇寫了充滿一切欺詐與狡猾的文書,聲稱他在審判之時已向你的聖德上訴,並因此散佈謠言說,為此緣故須召開一場普世會議。然而目前我們判定,關於這歐迪奇上訴之事無須加以討論,因為我們將在適當之處論及它。四。
232:23
Interim vero alia potius argumenta subjicimus, quibus non obscure intelligitur Flavianum, damnato depositoque Eutychete, aliter ratiocinatum fuisse quam Qucsnellus et novatores commenti sunt; ideoque non tantum scribere cngiiasse, sed rcvera ad Leonem pontificem scripsisse de Constantinopolitano judicio: siquidem summum sacerdotii apicem auctoriiatemque in Leone ipso constitutam fassus est; cum videlicet inlerpellans tamquam catholicæ religionis legitimum fidejussorem, ad quem speciat communem rem sanctarumque Ecclesiarum compotitionem tindicare. 326 Secundo, eumdem pontilicem rogat ut suo scriptu ratam ac validam haberi velit canonicam depositionem adversum eum, Eutychen videlicet faciam.
In the meantime, however, we rather adduce other arguments by which it is clearly understood that Flavian, once Eutyches had been condemned and deposed, reasoned otherwise than Quesnel and the innovators have imagined; and that therefore he not only thought of writing, but in fact did write to Leo the pontiff concerning the judgment held at Constantinople. Indeed he acknowledged that the supreme summit and authority of the priesthood was established in Leo himself, since he plainly appealed to him as the lawful guarantor of the Catholic religion, to whom it belongs to vindicate the common cause and the settlement of the holy Churches. Secondly, he asks the same pontiff that by his own writing he would be pleased to have held as ratified and valid the canonical deposition against him, namely against Eutyches, which he had carried out.
然而在此期間,我們寧可提出其他論據,藉此清楚地明白:當歐迪克(Eutyches)被定罪並罷黜之後,弗拉維安(Flavian)的推理與魁內爾(Quesnel)及那些標新立異者所臆想的並不相同;因此他不僅想到要寫信,實際上更確實寫信給教宗利奧,論及在君士坦丁堡所舉行的審判。誠然,他承認司鐸職分的至高頂峰與權柄乃確立於利奧本身,因他明白地向利奧申訴,視他為大公信仰的合法保證人,那共同的事務與眾聖教會的和解裁定本歸屬於他。其次,他請求同一位教宗以其親筆書函,樂意使他對歐迪克所執行的合乎教規的罷黜視為已批准且有效。
232:24
Ter;io in mente repositum illud habens, quod Christus Petro dixerat, de fide fratrum confirmanda, subjicit: Confirmare vero, et prixsimi Christumque amantis nostri imperatoria fidem. Res namque solo indiget ex vobis impulsu atque subsi dio, quod per vestram prudentiam ad tranquillitatem et pacem cuncta ttatim trandaturum est. Si res ergo, aucioreQuesnello, in Constantinopolitana provinciali synodo erat acta et finita; si pariier in Constantinopolitano episcopo omnia jura residebant circa illud judicii genus, quareFlavianus Leonem interpellat, drcendo rem indigere impulsu et subsidio apostolicæ sedis,ut cuncta statim ad tranquillitatem et pacem transferantur?
Thirdly, keeping in mind that saying which Christ had spoken to Peter concerning the confirming of the faith of the brethren, he adds: 'Confirm the imperial faith of our most Christian and Christ-loving emperor. For the matter needs only an impulse and support from you, which through your prudence will straightway bring all things to tranquillity and peace.' If therefore the matter, on Quesnel's authority, had been transacted and concluded in the provincial synod of Constantinople; if likewise all rights concerning that kind of judgment resided in the bishop of Constantinople, why does Flavian appeal to Leo, saying that the matter needs the impulse and support of the Apostolic See, that all things may at once be brought to tranquillity and peace?
第三,他心中牢記基督對彼得所說的那句話——關於堅固弟兄們的信德——便補充說:「求你堅固我們那最合基督之心、愛慕基督的皇帝的信德。因為這事只需你們的推動與扶助,藉著你們的明智,必立即使萬事歸於安寧與平安。」那麼,倘若這事如魁內爾所主張的,已在君士坦丁堡的省級教務會議中處理並了結;倘若一切關於此類審判的權利同樣皆歸屬於君士坦丁堡的主教,那弗拉維安為何要向利奧申訴,說這事需要宗座的推動與扶助,好叫萬事立即歸於安寧與平安呢?
232:25
Nisi quidem mea me fallatopinio, illius h rrcseos damnatio rata habita a Leone fuisset; et nisi excitatæ turbae pontificia anctoritate compositæ fuissent, numquam vera de Christi Domini incarnatione doctrina certo sufficienter Christifidelibus innomisset; nee contumaces atque rebelles acquievissent, nisi, cooperante Ueo (ait Flavianus), per vestras sacras litteras. Denique solas litteras Leonis futuram generalem synodum, de qua rumor erat, prohibere potuisse, idem Flavianus nun dissimulante asseverat, dicendo: Prohibebitur vero et quæ evulgatur futura esse synodus, ut ne lotius orbis perturbentur Ecclesiæ.
Unless indeed my opinion deceives me, the condemnation of that heresy would have been ratified by Leo; and unless the tumults that had been stirred up had been quieted by pontifical authority, the true doctrine concerning the incarnation of Christ the Lord would never have become sufficiently and surely known to the faithful of Christ; nor would the contumacious and rebellious have acquiesced, except, as Flavian says, 'God cooperating, through your sacred letters.' Finally, the same Flavian, not concealing it, asserts that the letters of Leo alone could have prevented the future general synod of which there was rumor, saying: 'The synod which is reported to be about to take place will also be prevented, lest the Churches of the whole world be thrown into confusion.'
除非我的看法確實欺騙了我,否則那異端的定罪本會由利奧所批准;而倘若那些被激起的騷亂未曾藉教宗的權柄平息,則關於主基督降生成人的真道理,也絕不會確切且充分地為基督的信徒所知曉;那些頑梗悖逆之人也不會順服,除非——如弗拉維安所說——「藉著天主的協同運作,經由你們神聖的書信」。最後,同一位弗拉維安毫不掩飾地斷言:唯獨利奧的書信,便能阻止那傳聞中即將召開的普世教務會議,他說:「那傳言即將舉行的會議也將被阻止,免得普世的眾教會陷於混亂。」
232:26
Ex hac ergo hujus primæ Flaviani epistolæ appendice nos perspicue colligimus quidquid veteres Orientales episcopi de Homanorum pont Acum auctoritate, tum in hæresibus profligandis, tum in conciliis firmandis et convocandis, tum denique in condemnatorum appellationihus suscipiendis senserint et judicaveriut. Quibus omnibus etsi nimis Audacter et quasi stolide prætextu episcnpalis dignitatis tuendæ et vindicandæ aliqui repugnent, tamen Flaviani epistolæ, et illius scribendi agendivo modus, Ecclesiæ disciplinam et dogma erga apostolicam sedem, caeterarum Ecclesiarum matrem ct magistram, solidissime probant et patefaciunt. 5.
From this appendix, then, to this first letter of Flavian, we clearly gather whatever the ancient Eastern bishops thought and judged concerning the authority of the Roman pontiffs, whether in crushing heresies, or in confirming and convoking councils, or finally in receiving the appeals of those condemned. Although some, too boldly and as it were stupidly, under the pretext of defending and vindicating episcopal dignity, resist all these things, nevertheless Flavian's letter, and his manner of writing and acting, most solidly prove and make manifest the discipline and dogma of the Church regarding the Apostolic See, the mother and mistress of the other Churches.
因此,從弗拉維安這第一封信的這段附錄中,我們清楚地推知:古代東方主教們對於羅馬教宗的權柄——無論是在剷除異端、在確立並召集會議、或最終在接受被定罪者的上訴等方面——所抱持的看法與判斷。雖然有些人以維護並伸張主教尊嚴為藉口,過於膽大妄為、幾近愚昧地抵制這一切,然而弗拉維安的書信及其寫作與行事的方式,卻極其堅實地證明並顯明了教會就宗座——即眾教會之母與導師——所持的紀律與教義。
232:27
Sed jam properanter ad alio gradum faci unus, ut Quesnelli animum ab apostolicæ sedis reverentia et auctoritate nimis alienatum clarius conspiciamus. Is ergo ut praecedentibus suis dictis fidem faciat, simulque ostendat Flavianum numquam ad S. Leonem scripsisse, nisi post acceptas ejusdem pontificias querimonias, ad alias et alias Leoninas epistolas vel ad Flavianum ipsum, vei ad Theodosium imperatorem scriptas provocavit. Verumtamen de illa quam 20 loco posuit Quesnellus in sua editione, quaeque Martii kal. conscripta fuit, ad cujus temporariam notam advertere prætermisit, ne hactenus actum iterum agamus, hic verha non facimus.
But now let us hasten to make another step, that we may more clearly perceive Quesnel's mind, too much estranged from the reverence and authority of the Apostolic See. He therefore, in order to lend credence to his preceding assertions, and at the same time to show that Flavian never wrote to St. Leo except after receiving that pontiff's complaints, appealed to various other Leonine letters, either written to Flavian himself or to the emperor Theodosius. However, concerning that letter which Quesnel placed as the twentieth in his edition, and which was written on the Kalends of March—the chronological note of which he neglected to observe—lest we should do again what has already been done, here we say nothing.
但如今讓我們趕緊再邁進一步,好更清楚地看出魁內爾的心思,他過於疏遠了對宗座的敬重與權柄。因此他為要使其先前的斷言取信於人,同時顯明弗拉維安除非在收到那位教宗的申訴之後,從未寫信給聖利奧,便引據其他各封利奧的書信——或是寫給弗拉維安本人,或是寫給皇帝狄奧多西的。然而,關於魁內爾在其版本中列為第二十封、寫於三月初一(他卻疏忽了留意其時間標記)的那封信,為免我們重做已經做過的事,在此不再贅言。
232:28
Dumtaxat animadvertimus sancto Leoni supremi judicis partes in hac causa debitas fuisse; neque Flavianum apostolicæ sedis jura in fidei causa violare potuisse. Id non obscure S. pontifex asseverat, non tantum do Entychetis dissercus appellatione, sed ad damnationis causam respiciendo, noscere vult quae a Flaviano in Constantinopolitana synodo facta fuerant. SeU respicientes ad cautam (ait), facti lui notse volumus rationem.
We merely observe that in this cause the office of supreme judge was due to St. Leo; and that Flavian could not violate the rights of the Apostolic See in a cause of faith. This the holy pontiff clearly asserts, not only in discussing the appeal of Eutyches, but in looking back to the cause of the condemnation: he wishes to know what things had been done by Flavian in the synod of Constantinople. 'But looking back to the cause,' he says, 'we wish the account of your action to be made known to us.'
我們僅指出:在此案件中,至高審判者的職分本歸於聖利奧;而弗拉維安不能在信仰的案件上侵犯宗座的權利。這一點,那位聖教宗清楚地斷言,不僅在論及歐迪克的上訴時如此,且在回顧定罪的緣由時亦然:他想要知道弗拉維安在君士坦丁堡的會議中所做的事。他說:「然而在回顧此案件時,我們願你所行之事的緣由為我們所知。」
232:29
Neque ulla injuria ad factorum rationem reddendam cogebatur Flavianus, cum supremi ccclesiastici regiminis ordo id postularet, et imperatoris voluntas pontificiam excitaret sollicitudinem, ut videlicet, suhlatis omuibus dissensionibus quæ in Constantinopolitana Ecclesia exortæ erant, apostolicae sedis auctoritate catholica fides muniretur. Hisco enim de causis, in altero illius 20 epistolæ capite pcr idoncam personam sibi a Flaviano Leo significari postulat quid contra antiquam fidem novitatis emerse rit, quod severiori sententia dignum fuerat vindicari. Nam (subjiciL S.
Nor was Flavian compelled by any injury to render an account of his deeds, since the order of the supreme ecclesiastical governance demanded it, and the will of the emperor was rousing the pontifical solicitude, namely that—all dissensions which had arisen in the Church of Constantinople being removed—the Catholic faith might be fortified by the authority of the Apostolic See. For these reasons, in another chapter of that twentieth letter, Leo asks that it be signified to him by Flavian through a suitable person what novelty had arisen against the ancient faith, which had deserved to be punished by a sterner sentence. 'For,' adds St. Leo…
弗拉維安也並非因任何冤屈而被迫交代其行為,因為至高教會治理的秩序要求如此,而皇帝的旨意正激起教宗的關切,即:當君士坦丁堡教會中所生的一切紛爭皆被消除之後,大公信仰得以藉宗座的權柄得到鞏固。基於這些緣由,在那第二十封信的另一章中,利奧請求弗拉維安藉一位合適之人,向他表明有何違背古老信仰的新異之事興起,該當以更嚴厲的判決予以懲處。聖利奧補充說:「因為……」
232:30
Leo) et ecctesiastica moderatio, ei religiosa piistimi principis fides multa nobis sollicitu dinem Christianæ pacis indicant. Si igitur 327 dno hoc, videlicet ecclesiastici regiminis ratio, ad quam Quesnellum attendere oportebat, et imperatoris afflagitatio, tantam solliciludinem Leoni indicebant, nescio qua perfricala fronte Quesnellus contendere potuisset Flavianum non ante ad Leonem ea de re scribendum cogitasse, quam cum didicit pontifiecm improbis Eutychis actibus deceptum, falsam de judicio Constantinopolitano cepisse opinionem. LeoMagnus imprimis nequaquam ad Flavianum scripsit vix audito Eutyche, aut ejus appellatione accepta.
'…both ecclesiastical moderation and the religious faith of the most pious prince indicate to us much solicitude for Christian peace.' If, therefore, these two things—namely the principle of ecclesiastical governance, to which Quesnel ought to have attended, and the earnest insistence of the emperor—were indicating so great a solicitude to Leo, I do not know with what brazen effrontery Quesnel could have contended that Flavian did not think of writing to Leo about this matter before he learned that the pontiff, deceived by the wicked deeds of Eutyches, had conceived a false opinion of the judgment at Constantinople. Leo the Great, in the first place, by no means wrote to Flavian scarcely having heard of Eutyches, or having received his appeal.
「……教會的節制,以及那最虔誠君王的虔敬信德,皆向我們指示對基督徒之平安應有的多重關切。」那麼,倘若這兩件事——即魁內爾本應留意的教會治理原則,以及皇帝的懇切催促——向利奧指示了如此重大的關切,我便不知魁內爾憑何等厚顏無恥,竟能主張弗拉維安是直到得知那教宗被歐迪克的邪惡行徑所欺、對君士坦丁堡的審判懷有錯誤看法之後,才想到就此事寫信給利奧。首先,利奧大教宗絕非是在剛聽聞歐迪克、或剛收到其上訴時,便寫信給弗拉維安。
232:31
Sed lum dumtaxat, cum ab imperatore fuit edoctus Constantinopolitanam Ecclesiam multarum perturbationum strepitu e.se commotam, et contentiones in fidei rebus versari. Epistolam enim illam 20 cui et Quesnellus institit Leo Magnus hisce verbis orsus est: Cum Christiamssimus et clementissimus imperator, suncta et laudubili fide pro Ecclesiis catholicæ pace sollicitus, ad nos scripta transmiserit de his quæ apud vos perturbationis strepitum commoverunt. Duo ergo Quesnellum luc distinguere oportebat, neutrumque prætermittere. Alterum ad imperialia scripta pertinebat, alterum vcro ad Eutycthis appellationem.
But only then, when he had been informed by the emperor that the Church of Constantinople was shaken by the uproar of many disturbances, and that contentions were engaged over matters of faith. For that twentieth letter, on which Quesnel too insisted, Leo the Great began with these words: 'When the most Christian and most clement emperor, solicitous with holy and praiseworthy faith for the peace of the Catholic Churches, had transmitted to us writings concerning those things which stirred up the uproar of disturbance among you.' Two things, therefore, Quesnel ought to have distinguished here, and to have omitted neither. The one pertained to the imperial writings, the other to the appeal of Eutyches.
而是直到那時——當他從皇帝那裡得知君士坦丁堡教會被眾多紛擾的喧鬧所震動,且爭端牽涉信仰之事——他才寫信。因為那第二十封信(魁內爾也曾據以立論),利奧大教宗是以這些話開頭的:「當那最合基督之心、最仁慈的皇帝,以神聖而可嘉的信德關切大公眾教會的平安,向我們傳來書函,論及在你們當中激起紛擾喧鬧的那些事……」因此,魁內爾在此本應區分兩件事,且不可遺漏其一。其一關乎皇帝的書函,其二則關乎歐迪克的上訴。
232:32
Se mirari ait instructum esse de tantarum perturbationum strepitu dumtaxat ab ipso imperatore, et non prirnitus procurasse Flavianum ut (aii) noa insinuatio tuæ relationis instrueret. C. Ecclesiasticæ ergo hierarcbiae unitae, dispositio et forma cxigebat ut de nuper cxorta hæresi et de gravissimis perturbationibus inter Constantinopolitanum clerum excitatis summus pontifex a Flaviano episcopo instrueretur. Qui sane loquendi modus prorsus evenit illud aliud Quesnellianum commentum, quo videlicet contingit: < Quamdiu intra Constantinopolitanæ Ecclesiæ limites sese labcs ista continuit, opus non fuit ut collegarum opem imploraret flavianus.
He says he wonders that he was informed of the uproar of such great disturbances only by the emperor himself, and that Flavian had not first taken care that (as he says) 'the notice of your report should inform us.' The unity, disposition, and form of the ecclesiastical hierarchy therefore required that concerning the newly arisen heresy and the most grave disturbances stirred up among the clergy of Constantinople, the supreme pontiff should be informed by Flavian the bishop. This very manner of speaking utterly overturns that other Quesnellian fabrication, whereby it is claimed: 'As long as that stain confined itself within the limits of the Church of Constantinople, there was no need for Flavian to implore the aid of his colleagues.'
他說他感到詫異:關於如此重大紛擾的喧鬧,他竟只從皇帝本人那裡得知,而弗拉維安未曾首先設法使(如他所說)「你的報告之知會來通知我們」。因此,教會聖統制的合一、安排與形式便要求:關於新興起的異端,以及在君士坦丁堡神職人員中所激起的極嚴重紛擾,至高教宗當由主教弗拉維安予以告知。這種說話的方式,恰恰徹底推翻了魁內爾另一項虛構之說,即他所聲稱的:「只要那玷污局限於君士坦丁堡教會的界限之內,弗拉維安便無需懇求其同僚的援助。」
232:33
Episcopis nempe universis catholicam veritatem totam in solidum a Christo Domino creditam non ignorab It, quam pro sua quisque virili defendero teneretur, erroresque contra insurgentes opprimere, tamquam ordinarius judex, in ea quam sortitus est Ecclesiæ portione. At ubi monitus a Leone rescivit hæresiarcham Occidentem litteris suis pervasisse, suum virus spargere, atque a snculi potestatibus insidias parari catholicæ doctrinæ, tum Romanum pontificem adire sai putavit officii:
For, he claims, all the bishops were not ignorant that the whole Catholic truth had been entrusted in its entirety by Christ the Lord, which each was bound to defend to the best of his ability, and to suppress the errors rising up against it, as an ordinary judge, in that portion of the Church which he had received by lot. But when, warned by Leo, he learned that the heresiarch had invaded the West with his letters, spreading his poison, and that ambushes were being prepared against Catholic doctrine by the powers of the world, then he thought it his duty to approach the Roman pontiff:
因為他聲稱:眾主教並非不知,全部大公真理已由主基督完整地託付,人人皆有責任盡其所能加以捍衛,並如同常任審判者一般,在他抽籤所得的那份教會領域中,鎮壓那興起反對真理的種種謬誤。但當弗拉維安受利奧警示,得知那異端首領已以其書信侵入西方、散播其毒液,且世上的權勢正謀劃暗算大公教義時,他才認為前往求助羅馬教宗乃是自己的本分:「
232:34
quo videlicet et de re lota instruerectur, quod Ecclesix capiti debebatur, et qua pollebat apud Augustum gratia ageret sollicile, ne late serperenl hæreticorum artes, nec turbarentur Ecclesiae, convocatione concilii, in quo timendum merito erat ne anctoritate plurimam valiiuri essent homines improbi. » 7. Lepida Quesnelli ratiocinatio. At quis non intelligit cam ecclesiasticis regulis uon tantum repuguare, sed Leonis et Flaviani dictis, eamque sacrum hierarchiæ ordinem prorsus perverterc? Igitur, Quesnello auctore, si alicujus Ecclesiæ episcopus, aut præcipiti judicio, aut minime servatis regulis juris, aliquem tamquam haereticum condemnet;
'…namely that he might both be instructed concerning the whole matter, which was owed to the head of the Church, and might diligently use the favor which he enjoyed with the Augustus, lest the arts of the heretics should spread widely, and the Churches be disturbed by the convocation of a council, in which it was rightly to be feared that wicked men would prevail by their power.' 7. Quesnel's droll reasoning. But who does not understand that it not only conflicts with ecclesiastical rules, but with the words of Leo and Flavian, and utterly perverts the sacred order of the hierarchy? Therefore, on Quesnel's authority, if the bishop of some Church, either by rash judgment, or with the rules of law by no means observed, should condemn someone as a heretic;
「……即他既可就整件事得到指示(這是虧欠於教會元首的),又可勤勉地運用他在奧古斯都皇帝面前所享的恩寵,免得異端者的伎倆廣為蔓延,也免得眾教會因召開一次會議而受擾亂——在那會議中,正當地令人擔憂邪惡之人會憑其權勢佔上風。」第七節。魁內爾滑稽的推論。但誰人不明白,這不僅與教會的規章相衝突,更與利奧和弗拉維安的話語相牴觸,且徹底顛倒了聖統制的神聖秩序?因此,按魁內爾的說法,倘若某教會的主教,或憑輕率的判斷,或全然不遵守法律的規章,將某人定為異端而加以定罪;
232:35
si presbyterio et gradu eum dijiciat, cum illius haereseos laLes intra suæ dioeceseos limites se continet, non ea opus collegarum opem implorare. At quid collegirum nomine intelligit? Si particuhuium Ecclesiarum cpiscopos, quorum fides deficere potest, ct quandoque fuit pcr hæreses labefactata, ultro id dabo. Verumtamen si collegæ vocabulum etiam ad Romanum pontificem, catholicae fidei custodem et judicem, extendendum esse conte dat, jam unitatis et veri caritis dispositionem et formam evertit et exscindit, sublata eidem eadem potestate, qua ejus curam et demandatum pastoris officium per universum orbem extendere habet.
if he should cast him down from the presbyterate and his rank, while the stain of that heresy confines itself within the limits of his own diocese, there is no need to implore the aid of his colleagues. But what does he understand by the name of 'colleagues'? If the bishops of particular Churches, whose faith can fail, and has at times been undermined by heresies, I will readily grant it. But if he should contend that the term 'colleague' is to be extended even to the Roman pontiff, the guardian and judge of the Catholic faith, then he overturns and cuts to pieces the disposition and form of unity and true charity, that same power being taken away from him whereby he has the care and the entrusted pastoral office to extend throughout the whole world.
倘若他將此人從司鐸職與品位貶黜,而那異端的玷污局限於他自己教區的界限之內,便無需懇求其同僚的援助。但他所謂的「同僚」是指什麼呢?倘若指的是各別教會的主教——他們的信德可能失敗,且有時確曾被異端所動搖——那我便樂意承認。然而,倘若他主張「同僚」一詞當延伸至羅馬教宗——那大公信仰的守護者與審判者——那他便顛覆並割裂了合一與真愛德的安排與形式,從教宗身上奪去了那正是他所擁有的權柄,即他當將其牧養的職責與所受託的牧者職分推展至普世的權柄。
232:36
Plane Leonina agendi ratio et iIlius verborum energia innuunt non tamquam collegam se habuisse S. pontificem, sed tamquam supremum gestorum et 328 controversiarum judicem. Siquidem ea ratione Flavianum compellebat ad suam notitiam totius faeti causam et modum deferre, ut judicis, non collegæ, partes obiret. Quoniam (subji. cit) nos qui sacerdotum Domini matura volumus esse judicia, nihil possumus incogniyis rebus in cujusquam partis præjudicium definire, priusquam universa quæ gesta sunt veraciter audiamus. An collegx collegam alloquenti haec et ilia alia verba, facti tui nosse volumus rationem, esse posse arbitrahimur? Par in parem non habere imperium jura omnh asseverant.
Plainly the Leonine manner of acting and the force of his words indicate that the holy pontiff regarded himself not as a colleague, but as the supreme judge of the transactions and controversies. For by that principle he summoned Flavian to bring to his knowledge the cause and manner of the whole affair, so that he might discharge the office of a judge, not of a colleague. 'Since we,' he adds, 'who wish the judgments of the Lord's priests to be mature, can define nothing in prejudice to any party while matters are unknown, before we truly hear all the things that have been done.' Do we suppose that a colleague addressing a colleague could speak these and those other words, 'we wish to know the account of your action'? All laws assert that an equal has no authority over an equal.
顯然,利奧的行事方式與其言語的力量表明:那位聖教宗視自己並非同僚,而是諸般事務與爭端的至高審判者。因為正是憑此原則,他命弗拉維安將整件事的緣由與方式呈報給他所知,好使他履行審判者、而非同僚的職分。他補充說:「因為我們既願主的司鐸們的判斷成熟穩妥,便不能在事情未明之際,在真正聽取一切所行之事之前,作出任何損害任何一方的裁定。」我們豈能設想,一位同僚向另一位同僚說話時,能講出這些以及那些話——「我們願知你所行之事的緣由」?一切法律皆斷言:平等者對平等者並無管轄之權。
232:37
At Leonem auctoritate qua pollebat Flaviano jussisse, tum totus illius 20 epistolæ contextus, tnm subsequeutis epistolae verba ad imperatorem Theodosium scriptæ, dilucide patefaciunt. Nam imperator, speelato ecclesiasticæ hierarchiæ ordine, in quo unam episcopum et pastorem cæteris sacerdotibus Christus Dominus præfecit, non Romani pontificis opem dumtaxat imploravit ad scandala illa abolenda qua latius in Constantinopolitanum clerum gliscebant; sed judicium ipsius expostulavit, ut et fidei dogma firmaretur; ut Nicæna statuta servarentur, et cognosceret an jure vel injuria Eutyches, cui imperialis aulæ ministri patrocinabantur, a sacerdotii gradu et monasterii præfectura esset dejectus.
But that Leo, by the authority which he enjoyed, gave command to Flavian, both the whole context of that twentieth letter, and the words of the subsequent letter written to the emperor Theodosius, clearly make manifest. For the emperor, having regard to the order of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, in which Christ the Lord set one as bishop and pastor over the other priests, did not merely implore the aid of the Roman pontiff to abolish those scandals which were spreading more widely among the clergy of Constantinople; but he demanded his judgment, so that both the dogma of faith might be confirmed; that the decrees of Nicaea might be observed; and that he might learn whether rightly or wrongly Eutyches—whom the ministers of the imperial court were patronizing—had been deposed from the rank of the priesthood and from the prefecture of his monastery.
但利奧憑其所享的權柄向弗拉維安下了命令,這一點,那第二十封信的整個上下文,以及隨後寫給皇帝狄奧多西之信的話語,皆清楚地予以顯明。因為皇帝顧念教會聖統制的秩序——在此秩序中,主基督立一人為主教與牧者,統轄其餘司鐸——並非僅懇求羅馬教宗的援助以剷除那些在君士坦丁堡神職人員中日益廣泛蔓延的醜聞;而是要求他的裁決,好使信仰的教義得以確立、使尼西亞的法令得以遵守,並使他得知那受帝廷官員庇護的歐迪克,究竟是被正當還是不正當地從司鐸品位及其隱修院院長之職上貶黜。
232:38
Ejusmodi Theodosii epistola ad Leonem, vel temporis injuria deperdita est, vel in alicujus bibliothecæ scrinio obsoleta asservatur. Superest tamen epistola Leonis ad eumdem Theodosium imperatorem, ex qua non obscure suprema pontificia jura colliguntur, e: plane innotescit quidquid episcopos particularium Ecclesiarum servare oporteat, cum aliqua fidei cau.a pertractatur in ea quam ipsi sortiti sunt Ecclesiæ portione. 8. In hac ergo epistola S. Leo fatetur se prorsus ignorare quæ in tanta causa gesta erant.
Such a letter of Theodosius to Leo has either perished through the injury of time, or lies obsolete in the coffer of some library. Yet there remains a letter of Leo to the same emperor Theodosius, from which the supreme pontifical rights are clearly gathered, and it is plainly made known whatever the bishops of particular Churches ought to observe when some cause of faith is handled in that portion of the Church which they themselves have received by lot. 8. In this letter, then, St. Leo confesses that he was utterly ignorant of what had been done in so great a cause.
這樣一封狄奧多西致利奧的信,或因時間的損害而佚失,或塵封於某圖書館的箱匣之中。然而,尚存有一封利奧致同一位皇帝狄奧多西的信,從中清楚地推知至高教宗的權利,並明白地顯明:當某項信仰的案件在各別教會的主教們抽籤所得的那份教會領域中被處理時,他們當遵守什麼。第八節。因此,在這封信中,聖利奧承認:他對於在如此重大的案件中所發生的事,全然不知。
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← ch. 231ch. 233 →
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